Considered as a paradigm, noopolitics is simultaneously rich and simple, modern and classic. For both humans and States, two forms of power exist: power over the self and power over others. Power over the self is infinitely greater than power over others, but fear and anxiety lead to a preference for the former over the latter.
The ego stems from the fear and anxiety of annihilation. The ego of States-not their interests — has been at the source of all geopolitical ills ever since war first. States, just like humans, are fascinated by power over others and disregard power over themselves. This is invariably the source of their self-destruction. In much the same way as humans focus their attention on what they do not have rather than what they have, only realising that they have neglected the true use and value of a faculty or an asset once it has been lost, States tend to focus more attention on pursuing new territories and new interests rather than on consolidating what they already have.
If only France had been fully aware of and grateful for its possession of Louisiana! If only Napoleon had been satisfied with the territories he held prior to his Russian campaign! In both cases, the ego spoiled everything. The internal greatness of States nevertheless becomes evident in the event of a crisis. When unwittingly plunged into hardship, States realise the value of what they had and what they have been stripped of.
What they have materially lost, they therefore gain immaterially in the form of wisdom and awareness, which nobody can take away from them but themselves. In a more general sense, there is sometimes a balance between the material and immaterial wealth of States, or between the wisdom and possessions of a State.
A man who has power but no wisdom is a danger to himself and to others. There is no point in developing the functions of an organisation whose mind is sick, in the same way as it is useless and dangerous to give a weapon to a madman. A sick State that is developing and enhancing its means of action is a cause for concern.
A State is better off being strong of mind and weak of body than vice versa: in its day, through stamina, Chinese civilisation ultimately prevailed over the Mongols because it was stronger mentally than they were physically.
A wise man with no power over others at least has control over himself. Furthermore, such a man is a treasure for humankind, who will always find protectors. Just as with Diogenes being looked down upon by Alexander, despite his apparent hardship he enjoys far more independence in his time than his level of power would suggest.
However, the perfect man and the perfect State — as with Alexander or Marcus Aurelius and their respective empires — are those which simultaneously possess both wisdom and power. In effect, given the choice between power over the self and power over others, immature States are fascinated and enthused by power over others. But what is better? To have a formidable tool but no sense of judgement, or to have an excellent sense of judgement but no tools?
Surely the primum non nocere principle confirms that it is better to be a wise man without power than a tyrant without wisdom, as the latter is a danger to both himself and others. But for the State incarnate, the real State, it is crucial to constantly maintain a healthy relationship between power and wisdom, between tools both destructive and constructive and a profound knowledge of how to employ those tools, the wisdom to make use of them.
In this respect, they demonstrate a perfect understanding of noopolitics, of which they are precursors as all wise men are. Such organisations have no self-awareness. All the while, thanks to Realpolitik, they sincerely believe themselves to be nobly serving a higher interest. The two sorts of power exercised by States were recently named soft power and hard power , the combination of which is known as smart power.
If we had to compare States to human beings, we would better see the limits both of hard and smart power. Smart power is the capacity to charm, to win over hearts and minds. Put bluntly , hard power is the capacity to rape, to seize the body regardless of heart and mind.
Expecting a nation State or people to fall in love with their rapist is to assume a certain neurosis or mental confusion on their part. It is both fascinating and symptomatic to see that this is exactly what has been expected of many Arab States over the last sixty years, as Zbigniew Brzezinski perceptively notes.
In reality, recent history shows that simply raping States has never led to their hearts and their minds being won over. It is nevertheless the latter two elements that govern the body. Today the United States of America controls the bodies of Afghanistan and Iraq, but has no control over their hearts and minds. For this situation, read also Napoleon in Spain at the start of the 19th century. It is of course less likely that a people will allow its heart to be won over after it has been raped.
In terms of political success, soft power is far and away the best form of authority, while hard power is only sustainably effective as a means of dissuasion, to be therefore used in defence. We have committed an untold error by using hard power in attack and soft power as a form of defence, when it should manifestly be the other way round: hard power must be used to dissuade, and soft power to conquer.
Bricks and mortar did a lot more for the Roman Empire than gladius and pila. A term was coined for the method of war employed during the invasion of Iraq: shock and awe. It is nevertheless important to understand that when destruction is used to shock and to awe a population, it will arouse the strongest resistance: Sun Tzu recommended never cornering an army, for fear that this can dangerously strengthen its resolve to fight, in the same way as the psychological flight or fight mechanism produces a desperate reaction from a cornered animal.
Shock and awe by destruction can, at best, only lead to despair and thus to suicide attacks by way of retaliation. Shock and awe by construction, on the other hand, knows no limits: it inspires a fascination in peoples that can be transcendent.
States therefore have the capacity to shock and awe by behaving in a manner that is politically, philosophically and technologically exemplary, and while the capacity for destruction can only have limited political results, the capacity for construction, which is positive, knows no limits. Total destruction exists; total construction does not. All empires must balance the art of consolidation with the art of conquest, and Paul Kennedy sets out a clear case for imperial overstretch being a classic trigger for the self-destruction of empires.
Overstretching empires spend fortunes on hard power, in the form of human, material, financial and technological resources. They do so not just to provoke the hatred of others, but to occupy territories whose values end up looking ridiculous when compared to their final cost.
The result is a soft power disaster, as it only leads to hate, contempt and despair. In terms of hard power, it demonstrates the unexpected vulnerability of the forces deployed, and above all their ineffectiveness.
Since immature men and States prefer to focus their attention on what they do not have rather than what they already have, the fascination of peoples and history books — history being entirely subjective, its biases and automatisms imprinted on the collective conscience — is centred far more on the conquerors than the consolidators. Yet what remains of his empire today, aside from a few good ideas and the consequences of the series of subsequent ultranationalist wars whose global nature had repercussions for the whole world?
For Mao Zedong is, without doubt, the geopolitical heir of a process that was initiated during the Seven Years War, and then taken to another level by Napoleon.
If it had done so, perhaps its empire would not be staring at its imminent decline, as it is today. Furthermore, when an empire invests in consolidation, and provided it has the means to ward off invaders, it gains so much in soft power that it is subsequently able to conquer significantly more than if that money had been spent on the military.
If, in the 21st century, an army no longer serves as a means of conquest, then so much the better. Conquest is a much too serious business to remain a supreme military mission, unless such a conquest also results in the conquest of the self.
Vinci qui se vincit. The majority of humans aim to have , in order to do and to be. Our society, defined by the industrial revolution, tacitly considers the human to be a tool, a cog in the economic wheel.
This is why society has no interest in poor people. As such, individuals define themselves by their function in society: I am a teacher, I am a doctor or I am a baker. It would seem strange to present oneself as follows: I am myself, I am what I am, I am human.
In order to exist socially, individuals must have degrees, credentials in order to do a job and thus to be present themselves as a teacher, baker, etc. A wise man is the one who is in order to do and to have , and who starts by defining himself regardless of the approval of others 2. The wise State follows in the same vain: defined by itself, it is interested in what it is rather than what it has.
It is only in these conditions that a State or an individual can be a treasure for humankind. Armed with this philosophy, is it really so surprising that the existing international system — with its rights based purely on the mutual recognition of States — results in so many conflicts?
Geopolitics and diplomacy together constitute a material medicine3 for humanity. Geopoliticians are at least as important as doctors, since the health that they work to maintain is strictly superior than that which doctors look after.
There are interesting parallels to make between geopolitics and medicine, and these parallels can be used to explain the particularities of Realpolitik; for when the doctor-realpolitician makes an incision, it is not cells that are killed but human beings.
Humanity is a human made out of humans. The majority of politicians believe that the unity of some humans is required to govern all the rest. However, in the human body, there is no one small group of cells that unify the identity and the action of all cells. The central nervous system of the human body is not governed by a few neurons. The human made out of humans can prove worthy of adulation but also ridicule, in the same way as the crowd is often much less reasonable and wise than the individual.
But when crowds are given the opportunity to share their knowledge — as is the case with the virtual crowds that contribute to Wikipedia — we can see the extent of their collective excellence. Excellence, as recognised by the State or society, reinforces the ego, meaning individually brilliant people can be collectively stupid while average individuals can form an excellent group. The ego prevents both the individual and the State from working in groups. Under certain conditions, merely functional groups are worth more than truly excellent individuals, something that our education strategy should recognise.
It is the ego of the State that gets in the way. However, in reality there is a constant exchange going on between the individual and collective egos, to the extent that we no longer know which one feeds the other. Unhealthy nationalism makes unhealthy nationalists, and vice versa. Humankind has a physiology that sees it naturally lose and gain cells on a daily basis. The fact that its population is constantly growing is not a good thing if its wisdom is not also growing, but neither is it necessary to reduce the population; it is necessary for the population to stabilise of its own accord, and only if it is not innovating and learning as quickly as it is growing.
Such a stabilisation must not come about through the use of force or cunning, but rather via a mutual, conscious and exemplary consensus being reached. The art of making a decision regarding the health of humankind is like the art of making a decision regarding the health of a human. It is in the name of this principle that individuals found guilty of high treason in the Middle Ages were tortured in the most horrific manner. Which is to say in the name of the preservation of public order, the same reason for which Socrates, Jesus or Martin Luther King were killed, and the same reason given any time a State acts against its own best interests while mistakenly believing that it is preserving them.
The fundamental moral difference between medicine practiced on humans and medicine practiced on humankind is that a human has individual rights that a cell does not. The practice of Realpolitik works as follows: 1 identify the highest objective for the common good; 2 attain it by absolutely any means necessary, in principle by respecting only the laws of physics because they are the only ones to be non-negotiable.
All the abuses of empires stem from this practice, from the Napoleonic massacres in Spain to those supported by the USA and justified by its Monroe Doctrine, in particular during Operation Condor. However, there is an underlying rational principle that can be understood at the heart of these actions: if I acquire power over a certain people, they will subsequently suffer less. I therefore choose to cause a little suffering today, so that they may enjoy life more tomorrow.
Many empires have evolved in this way, claiming and considering — whether they believe it or not — that their power will be more beneficial to the people targeted than that which already reigns over them. Sometimes this principle is true, yet sometimes it must be transcended.
But the methods of Realpolitik can be compared to the scalpel: they spill blood and leave scars, to the extent that patients and witnesses must be anaesthetised before any operation. This anaesthesia is known to us as misinformation and propaganda. The scars include terror, hate, violence and desire for vengeance.
The legitimacy of any Realpolitical intervention is defended on the following terms: inaction has its victims, so too action. The rights of an individual being necessarily worth no more than one life, it therefore becomes legitimate to violate them as soon as at least two lives are at stake. However, in the same way as the de jure abolition of mass torture constituted a conceptual leap forward, transcending medieval forms of governance without threatening the security of populations and on the contrary, increasing it , there must be a transcendent paradigm change capable of surpassing Realpolitik and making its methods redundant.
This paradigm change is held within Noopolitik. Knowledge and wisdom interact in a profound and subtle way with Realpolitik. Technology, for example, can be used to modify the available means of political action.
Applied knowledge can alter how an operation is carried out, be it surgical or realpolitical. The European Union is one such example of transcendence, which has rendered any military conflicts between European States futile, although it does not prevent them being transposed onto conflicts between NATO — its biggest founder, geopolitically speaking — and other organisations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation SCO.
CC3 — Dr. Idriss J. Aberkane, The noosphere — the sea of knowledge — is accessible to everyone, in the sense that everyone possesses a stretch of its coastline, and the biggest restriction to this access is not exogenous but endogenous. Generally speaking, States only change their capacities for action when they are absolutely forced to: this is the reason why all-out wars have been such motors for technological innovation because, although all disruptive innovation is initially thought to be ridiculous, all-out war gives States the intellectual means to contemplate the ridiculous as with the Nazi Wunderwaffen campaign, for example.
We will see how this principle can be used to cast a critical eye over the economic-military confrontation between the OECD and the SCO. There is a clear parallel to be drawn between international relations and the game of chess, in terms of the importance of controlling the centre of the chessboard in order to control the game. The heart of the African continent was the setting for an intense geopolitical combat between France and the United Kingdom that reached its climax at Fachoda, where the two nations came close to triggering a global-scale conflict yet another since the Napoleonic wars and the Seven Years war.
That France backed down, as the Foreign Office had correctly predicted she would, was largely due to the lingering after-effects of war in Every region where empires have confronted each other over the course of history has been balkanised.
If South America is less balkanised than Africa, it is because the Treaty of Tordesillas shared the continent out between only two empires. That North America was de-balkanised in such a decisive and unexpected albeit shockingly genocidal manner in the 19th century has led to a national American feeling of manifest destiny, something that they have paradoxically denied to Latin America and the rest of the world.
Often on the Grand Chessboard, independentist peoples and leanings are also used as pawns to occupy strategic positions: examples include Kosovo, Transnistria, Crimea, Dagesta, Chechnya, Afghanistan and Xinjian, where more often than not any sense of moral legitimacy is pushed to one side. War is the last argument of kings: it is only when a power can no longer develop its capacity to take action in any other way that it decides to do so by war.
The First World War, for example, was largely triggered by a situation simultaneously resembling a game of Go and a game of chess. From chess, there is the will of France and the United Kingdom to weaken the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires by balkanising the territories under their control, and by providing political and material support to separatist movements as embodied by.
From the game of Go, there is the desire to restrict the moves available to the German Empire. The latter intended to build a railway track from Berlin to Bagdad, in order to secure a source of oil supplies.
It was the perfect alliance: that of a resource-weak industrial power and an industrially underdeveloped country with rich resources. But France and England did absolutely everything in their power to prevent the construction of this railway the pipeline of its day.
In the same way, France and the United Kingdom had come close to initiating a first world conflict only sixteen years earlier when the French presence across the breadth of Africa impeded the possibility of a railway track from the Cape to Cairo. The two powers then found themselves as allies in the fight against Germany, in accordance with the British doctrine of the balance of power.
Effectively, China is a new industrialised continental power that is seeking access to oil, just like Germany in its day, and NATO, like the Allies, have used every means in their power to encircle China.
Were it not for the presence of nuclear weaponry, there is no doubt that a conflict would have already broken out between the SCO and the OECD countries, just as it did in between the Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance. In this sprawling modern game of Go, China is largely encircled and almost all the States that provided or planned to provide her with oil have experienced troubles or been balkanised, such as Libya, Iraq, Iran, Venezuela, Syria and Sudan. That leaves Angola, a country that therefore may be about to experience troubles itself.
However, these neoclassical geopolitical rules all fail to take one key fact into account: States are cognitive. In other words, States learn and become more intelligent under pressure. To take the case of China, the intense geopolitical pressure that this country is currently under actually makes her much more intelligent and much stronger. In reality, it is those empires with the greatest capacity for action that prove to be the architects of their own downfall by acting in the wrong way, and it is only when they are more restricted that they become wiser and more circumspect: in this way, empires become enriched by constraint and adversity.
This is the case with modern China, a country that should wake up every day thankful for its containment : all that it may be losing out on in the kinesphere, it is compensated for one hundred times over in the noosphere. An essential rule of noopolitics therefore centres around the existence of an escape route from the kinesphere to the noosphere, a vertical movement that is available for all States that are no longer able to move horizontally.
Unfortunately States almost always wait until they are no longer able to move in the kinesphere before starting to explore the noosphere, whereas it is the latter that should always be explored first. Here, they will always be able to rediscover their capacity for action. Better still, it is only the States themselves that can restrict their own access to the noosphere whereas, geopolitically, access to the sea can be blocked by another State.
Like humans, States are their own worst enemies. Furthermore, those they believe to be their enemies are in fact their best teachers. The awareness of such a truth precedes the transformation of the antagonist into agonist and then into friend because, in fine , the antagonist prevents empires from acting against their own transcendent interests.
Being restricted in the kinesphere obliges States to explore the noosphere, whose borders are always open to them but to which they too regularly close themselves off.
The second State will therefore be able to consolidate its presence in the noosphere, a process that the first State will never have the means to reverse. Neorealism fails to understand that States are cognitive, but unaware of where their best interests lie. The difference between neorealism and noopolitics mirrors that which exists between classic economics and behavioural economics.
In the same way that the perfectly rational Homo Economicus does not exist, neither does Homo Geopoliticus. States are not perfectly rational, they commit errors and they have blind spots. Furthermore, it is only the State itself that can ever restrict its own exploration of the noosphere. The same is true of individuals. Only your ego can stand between you and the path to wisdom.
Therefore in the same way as psychology — through its understanding of how the ego works — has enriched economics, it can also enrich geopolitics. Because, just as behavioural economics exists, so too does behavioural geopolitics. The latter is enshrined within noopolitics, and is borne out of the fact that all States have an ego that is their eternal worst enemy, something that must be recognised, for example, by every wise man living in Jerusalem today.
And i can assure you that that will happen before israel goes under. Just like individuals, States have an ego. It not only forces them down a path to self-destruction, but makes the latter seem irresistible to their unhealthy conscience. States, like individuals, suffer from sicknesses of the soul, which are the source of all political and geopolitical evils. And just as Jung understood that all neuroses stems from the fear of suffering, the same is true of all State neuroses and psychoses: it is in attempting to avert suffering, unrest, an invasion and so on that States justify their wrongdoings, inflicting much greater pain and suffering on themselves and others than that which they were originally attempting to avoid.
It is in the name of the greater good, and often in seeking to avoid the worst, that evils are committed. States are believed to be aware of their best interests and to act in accordance with them, but nothing could be further from the truth.
States are almost always unaware of their own transcendent interests and, more often than not, it is only when they are plunged into what they consider to be a disaster that their condition improves.
Sick States are incapable of differentiating between what is good for them and what is bad, of discerning a blessing in disguise from a poisoned chalice. Let us take the case of Georges Clemenceau who, without reason, is still seen as a French national hero. We now know that, were it not for these humiliations, Germany would not have willingly turned to the architects of the Second World War.
Now we know how heavily emotional and psychological dynamics, as a reflection of popular sentiment, weighed on this decision. Quite simply, the latter are values that still tend to be derided for being too feminine. Nowadays there is an immense array of neurotic and psychotic States, and all of them are involved in wars, above all in the Middle East, where peace will only be achieved by finding a remedy for these State psychoses, and in particular the most violent of all: the fear of abandonment and annihilation.
States pride themselves on the means that they have at their disposal: as soon as a State develops greater means, it becomes arrogant. They pride themselves on their armies and their secret services, on their technologies and their budgets. We regularly hear ministers base their importance on the billionaire budgets that they claim to have orchestrated. Yet despite all of these means, the States have no idea how to use them for their best interests.
The assertion must be written down and repeated, and those who share it are doing their own bit for world peace: States do not know what is in their best interests! Because often, in the same way as a child longs for candy, what States desire can cause them more harm than good.
It is hard for the geopolitician to admit that States behave like children with weapons, but this is the reality of the world. In the same way, what States consider to be great calamities could in fact be of great benefit to them.
However, there was surely a way to unify the identity and grandeur of the French Empire with the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, by putting in place local governance based on principles that would have stabilised migratory flows.
The solution was there the whole time, waiting in the noosphere. But the idea was never formulated because not enough time nor attention — which are to the noosphere what quantity of movement is to the kinesphere — were dedicated to finding it. However, the cost of finding it would have been absolutely negligible when compared to the cost of decolonisation, for colonisers and colonised alike. Where does the State ego come from? Every ego systematically stems from the fear of dying.
Thus young States have a particularly dangerous ego, principally for them but also for others. They flaunt vast, irrational nationalist myths that pander to base instincts and base emotions. If we study national existence throughout history, it appears to often serve primarily as a form of defence against another national existence. Nation States, armed with a leader and a flag, have often existed purely to guard against others: pity those which, like the Native Americans, find themselves confronted by a State without even having one themselves!
Before the race for nuclear armament came the race for States, entities that ultimately serve to protect themselves from one other, or to eradicate those without a State. While Empires and Allies is largely about military conquest and defense, you need to have a strong economy to be able to keep the units churning out. The most important resources are Wood and Oil, but it costs a great deal of other resources to construct them.
For getting started, it makes the most sense to focus on your infrastructure - this involves building the government structures and housing to make sure you can then concentrate on pure resources to get your armies trained. Farms should come next, and you will want to build a lot of them. They generate coins, which are central to your economy. When constructing farms, a large part of it is choosing which specific crops to grow. More become available as you level up, and each crop has different advantages and disadvantages to be considered i.
Some crops take many hours to grow. It makes sense to plant these when you are going to be away from the game for an extended period, whereas short-life crops can be used for a quick injection of cash.
Once you begin to stabilise, you can begin to construct Lumber Mills, to get your Wood, Oil wells fairly obviously for oil As you level up you will unlock the ability to construct these resource-collecting essentials. Each island has a variety of resources that are ultimately at your disposal. Resources that you can attain are listed below:. Coins are earned through the rent of many buildings and through industry.
They can be used to purchase most buildings and units in the game. Wood, as you may expect, is gathered by cutting down trees and through building lumber mills.
You can sign up for lumber contracts to keep this side of your infrastructure working well. Oil is about as important in Empire and Allies as it is in real life. You need oil to be able to build the vast majority of units in the game. To get it, you have to harvest the resources of Oil Wells.
Ore is the basic cornerstone of resources in Empires and Allies. You will need to harvest all of these to be able to construct all of the units and buildings in the game.
You can use mines to get the ore, and can also trade with other players for it. Ore is also released at the end of combat situations. It is also important to build Markets in your empire. This will allow you to sell excess goods to any neighbors in need of resources. In addition to selling things like coins and ore, you can get rid of any military units you have a glut of in exchange for some much-needed cash.
When you build a Market, you have to pick the type of resource that you want it to sell - with this in mind, you will need to build a few markets depending on the nature of your economic infrastructure. When players visit your empire, they can use your Markets to buy goods directly from you.
Because of this, it makes sense to build Markets close together, making them easy to find. Of course, you can also visit your Neighbors to buy their excess resources.
As well as through generating and buying resources, you can also gain them by invading other empires, fighting off enemies, visiting neighbors and completing the main storyline. Deciding which buildings to construct is important to ensuring your empire functions well and that you don't waste resources.
Farms cost wood and take up 4 squares on the map. The amount of wood farms cost increases depending on how many you have already - this creates a difficulty curve that should evolve with your progress. Farms are used primarily to get coins. The importance of them drops off as your economy and military exploits grow. Lumber Mills are used to get Wood for your economy. They cost Coins and require four map squares. You need to have at least 50 population to be able to build them, and once you have, the Wood will be used to construct other buildings.
Essentially the same as the basic Lumber Mill, this requires a population of at least , and costs far more: 8, Coins, 25 Wood and 30 Ore. You get more Wood from this Lumber Mill. Markets are essential for a good economy, being used to sell excess resources and units. They cost 1, Coins, Wood and 5 Ore, requiring population before your first Market can be constructed.
Oil is important as it is required to build most military units and upgrade them. Constructing an Oil Well costs Coins and 25 Wood. You will need at least Population before you can unlock the Oil Well. You need Population to unlock it. To unlock the first Ore Mine, you need Population. It costs Coins and 30 Wood. You need Ore Mines to be able to extract various types of metal for your Empire. When you first begin the game, the type of Ore that will be in your game is selected for you.
Oil is very valuable for reselling at the Market. The second stage of the Ore Mine requires 1, Population. It costs 12, Coins, 1, Wood and 35 Ore. Ore Mine III is incredibly expensive. Not only do you need Population of 4,, but it costs 26, Coins, 2, Wood and 65 Ore. Because of this, you will find it difficult to construct many of these until very late in the game. As well as buildings for gathering resources, you will need to build some for constructing a military system.
Below is a list of the military buildings:. This allows you to upgrade your air units. It needs a Population in your empire of , and costs 5, Coins, Wood and 25 Ore. It takes up 6 squares on the map. To upgrade your land units, purchase this building, which requires a Population of , and costs 1, Coins, Wood and 10 Ore.
This is where you build your land units. You can construct it from the start of the game, and it is cheap to build - just Coins and 20 Wood. For more advanced land units, build Barracks II. You will need Population, Wood and 15 Ore to do so.
For the best land units in the game, Barracks III is the answer. You have to have a Population of at least 3,, and it will require 20, Coins, 2, Wood and 50 Ore. The Hangar is used to produce air units. The first Hangar needs just Population, and will then cost Coins and 40 Wood to build.
Hangar II allows you to build the next set of aircraft. To be able to build the best air units, Hangar III is required. To unlock it, reach 3, Population. To build, 24, Coins, 2, Wood and 55 Ore is necessary. To unlock the upgrades for your naval units, you need 1, Population. Building the Lab itself costs 5, Coins, Wood and 25 Ore. This allows you actually build naval units. You can construct it from Day 1, and it only costs Coins and 30 Wood to build. Fore more advanced seafaring units, you will want Shipyard II.
It is unlocked once you reach 1, Population, costing 7, Coins and Wood and 25 Ore. Shipyard III permits the best naval units to be constructed. Once you have 3, Population you will be able to build it, for a cost of 25, Coins, 2, Wood and 60 Ore. Use Your Neighbors: The more neighbors you have, the better. You get Coins for visiting them and helping with their tasks, while they get similar rewards for coming to your empire.
Not only that, you can give Neighbors gifts. These are designed to encourage social interaction, so do not cost you to send. Sending gifts makes it more likely that your Neighbors will return the favor for you later. Creating a network of gift-giving neighbors is the way to succeed in Empires and Allies. The Market also encourages Neighborly conduct. With enough Neighbors, all of your excess resources will generate you plenty of nice Coins. Build: The more buildings you have, particularly farms and government buildings, the more Coins you will have coming in to your empire.
Extract Resources: Resources are not only important for buildings and units, but you can sell them for Coins if you have too many or are desperate for cash. Fight: Engaging the enemy in combat also earns you Coins. You get more depending on your level of success, and can also get them in defense as well as attack. Complete the Game: In addition to all the social elements, Empires and Allies contains its 'single player' story elements.
You will see new quests pop up all the time, each of which earns you lots of Coins and rewards. Not only that, you can include Neighbors in your quests so as to be able to share the wealth and earn their thanks.
There are no 'cheats' for Empires and Allies. Zynga want players to have to spend their hard-earned cash on Empire Points to, in effect, 'cheat' at the game.
Empire Points allow you to skip quests, level up quicker, and generally make the game much easier. If you see anywhere that you are able to download something to allow you to cheat at Empires and Allies, get free Empire Points, or otherwise circumvent the game's natural course, the chances are they are trying to get into your Facebook account, or, in the case of required downloads, put a virus or malware on your computer.
Zynga have recently added a new 'campaign mastery' element to Empires vs. Essentially, this is designed to prompt people to replay the main game even after having defeated the Raven. You may wonder why you would want to do this, and the answer is Golden Units! You can also gain more rewards and stronger challenges from playing again, so if you are bored having completed it once, then it may not be such a bad idea to have another go at it.
Once you have completed the main campaign once, you can replay it earning what Zynga have called 'Mastery Tokens'. Once you have these, you can construct the 'Mastery Factory'.
From this factory, you can build the golden units! The Mystery Factory takes three clicks to build. To earn the Mastery Tokens that you need for your new rewards, you have to get three gold medals from each island - with a medal being earned from winning all battles on that particular island. You can see how replayability is encouraged.
The 'golden units' are actually Gold colored versions of the Boss Units that you had previously unlocked on your journey through the campaign, with improved stats. To unlock each one this time, you have to complete the particular boss's campaign section, with full mastery. You will then be able to construct it from the Mastery Factory.
Note that you can also unlock the new units using Empire Points, if you have the cash for it. Once you have the units, you can research upgrades for them the same as always using the Research Labs. Again, this is useful for anyone bored with the standard game or who wants a challenge past the general gameplay mechanics that characterize the campaign.
Essentially, you are able to commit to a battle against unlimited waves of enemies, using just five units. It is a nice distraction from the normal gameplay, and you are also given access to a new building to facilitate it. To get started, you need to construct the War Room, which is free from any resource requirements, except, of course, for energy. With the War Room constructed, you then need to click on the structure at which point you will be given the chance to select the five units that you want to employ.
The combat here involves the same principles as regular play, so you have to take each unit's pros and cons into account. Don't pick all the same units, as you need to be able to react to whatever the enemy throws at you. The point behind it is to beat as many enemy waves as you can, and the game rewards you following each one. You lose the units in the main game if they are destroyed in Survival Mode, so it can be quite a costly diversion. Once you get knocked out, you can keep going for 10 Empire Points, though this really loses the addictive nature of the game.
Land in Empires and Allies is even more scarce than other Facebook games, what with your empire being crammed onto islands. As mentioned above, Zynga have implemented 'Liberty Bonds' to control how people can expand their empire and make plenty of money out of it , all of which will be looked at in the following paragraphs.
To get your very first expansion, which should be fairly early in the game, you need 5, coins and 10 of the new Liberty Bonds. By far the easiest way to get Liberty Bonds is to buy them yourself, using Empire Points.
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